Special Prosecutor Chasing the ‘Shadow of Martial Law’: The Meaning of…
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작성자 playbbs 작성일 26-06-11 18:16 조회 144 댓글 0본문
Special Prosecutor Chasing ‘Shadow of Martial Law’: Meaning of Recall of Former National Intelligence Service First Deputy Director Hong Jang-won
Written on: June 11, 2026 | Column by current affairs critic specializing in IT/media
The fragments left behind by the unprecedented martial law incident of December 3rd in constitutional history are still shaking the core of the legal and political circles of the Republic of Korea. In particular, the suspicion that the National Intelligence Service at the time attempted to explain the legitimacy of martial law to the U.S. CIA, a friendly country's intelligence agency, is being pointed out as a key link in the charges of rebellion beyond simple administrative procedures. As the 2nd Comprehensive Special Prosecutor's Team narrows the investigation net by summoning former National Intelligence Service First Deputy Director Hong Jang-won again, public attention is focused on whether this investigation can be a decisive key to uncovering the true truth about martial law.
The 2nd comprehensive special prosecution team led by Special Prosecutor Kwon Chang-young is speeding up the investigation by resummoning Hong Jang-won, former 1st Deputy Director of the National Intelligence Service, as a suspect on charges of ‘engaging in important civil war missions’ and ‘violating the National Intelligence Service Act.’ Based on the documents obtained through search and seizure last April and the statements of NIS officials, the special prosecutor is paying attention to the guidelines issued from the National Security Office on the morning of December 4, 2024, immediately after the declaration of martial law. At the time, the National Security Office delivered a document written in Korean with a request to explain the background of martial law to a friendly country. The special prosecutor believes that former Deputy Director Hong approved and led the entire process of translating this document into English under the instructions of former National Intelligence Service Director Cho Tae-yong and then delivering it to the head of the CIA in Korea. The special prosecutor's view is that this went beyond simple diplomatic communication and was part of an act of complicity in the civil war aimed at solidifying the legitimacy of martial law by gaining support from the international community.
Regarding this, former Deputy Director Hong Jang-won completely denies the charges and is showing a stubborn attitude. During the summons, he expressed his resentment to reporters, saying, "I have a lot of things I want to say," but the core logic conveyed through his lawyer was 'inappropriate timing' and 'absence of involvement.' Former Deputy Director Hong's side argues that because the CIA document in question was written and delivered after martial law had already been lifted, defining it as an act of rebellion cannot be legally established. In addition, he counters that his actions do not meet the requirements for treason, emphasizing that he never gave any CIA-related instructions at a political office meeting or department heads meeting held on the night of martial law, and that he left work normally immediately after the National Assembly's resolution requesting the lifting of martial law.
This recall also has a very strategic meaning in that it was carried out at a time when the investigation into former President Yoon Seok-yeol was already underway. Previously, during the investigation, former President Yoon stated that it was only a routine report to respond to inquiries from the U.S. Embassy, and that he was not even aware of the existence of the document. Through former Deputy Director Hong, the special prosecutor seeks to determine how specifically former President Yoon's instructions were conveyed and through what decision-making structure the martial law sympathies were implemented within the National Intelligence Service. In particular, considering that former Deputy Director Hong is a person who has emerged as a key figure in proving the charges of rebellion by testifying that he 'ordered the arrest of politicians' during the past impeachment trial, the statement coming out of his mouth is expected to be a significant variable that will determine the direction of the future trial.
The special prosecutor is expanding the scope of the investigation in all directions by summoning former Deputy Prosecutor General Hong and former Prosecutor Jeon Moo-gon, who served as the head of the Planning and Coordination Department of the Supreme Prosecutors' Office during martial law. This is an attempt to ascertain what actions not only the National Intelligence Service but also the prosecution organization showed on the day of martial law, and whether there was any inappropriate response or intervention in the process of assisting former Prosecutor General Shim Woo-jung. Whether or not the Supreme Prosecutors' Office systematically attempted to control the situation or guide public opinion in a specific direction during the investigation and trial of former President Yoon and others after martial law is also a task that the special prosecutor must solve. By simultaneously pressuring former Deputy Director Hong and former Prosecutor General Jeon, the Special Prosecutor's strong will to break the link between those who participated in martial law and reveal the true nature of the organized rebellion conspiracy is evident.
■ Conclusion and analysis outlook
The re-summoning of former Deputy Director Hong Jang-won is a signal that the investigation into the truth about the December 3 emergency martial law has now gone beyond 'practical participation' and entered the core of 'organized collusion'. Although former Deputy Director Hong has denied the charges to the end and is predicting a legal battle, the special prosecutor is poised to dig into the role he played in protecting the legitimacy of martial law based on secured physical evidence and phone records. We hope that this investigation will not just stop at exposing past mistakes, but will serve as an opportunity to re-establish the defense mechanism of Korean democracy by clearly revealing the secret collusion of state agencies that attempted to destroy the constitutional order.
* This post is an analysis column that is automatically recreated in the style of a current affairs critic's commentary by analyzing real-time Google Trends popular search terms and related major articles.
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